Thurman Wesley Arnold (1891 – 1969) is perhaps best remembered as a trust-buster
of FDR. He was also a lucid advocate and theorist of the presuppositions of the New Deal. In his The Folklore of Capitalism
of 1937 he ventured to observe a change of mental temperament over the
preceding generation:
‘Thirty
years ago medical men were still fighting for principle, just as political men
are fighting it today. There was homeopathic and allopathic schools of medicine.
The thinking man was supposed to choose
between two schools in hiring a physician. Today the public is no longer
asked to choose between conflicting medical principles. Medicine has been taken
over by men of skill rather than men of principle’.
In 1967 Daniel Villey (1910-1968), a mid-20th
c French classical liberal, lamented the same change in his A la Recherche d'une Doctrine Economique:
‘Until a recent period ... economists were men of doctrine. One did not
distinguish among them so much as today by means of the techniques they use, or
even by the particular field they had chosen to specialise in – but according to their doctrines... He was
an agrarian or an industrialiser. Or a liberal, or a socialist, or a corporatist,
or a cooperationist, or a dirigiste.
In the eyes of ... the public, economics had as its end a great contest,
continually reborn, in which the partisans of laissez-faire confronted those of intervention. It was no
less in other disciplines. Was he classic or romantic? Monarchist or republican,
conservative or progressive, nationalist or cosmopolitan? Times have changed. As
for economists, who today cares to carry the label socialist or liberal? Our
day disdains, deprecates , condemns doctrine.’
Thus the shift that
was a cause for chagrin to Villey was a cause for deep satisfaction to Arnold.
The two authors, then, provide an eloquent statement of perfectly contrary
positions on the value of doctrine.
Arnold’s position
is rooted in that coalition of egalitarianism and technocracy that was so nourishing
of Dewyite pragmatism and American ‘institutionalism’, and so manifest in the New
Deal.
To Arnold the great defect of ‘principles’ – the stuff of ‘doctrine’
– was epistemological. They offend that untrammeled empiricism which can be the only
source of knowledge in human affairs.And principles - being abstractions - do not respect that intimate
union of politics, economics, law anthropology etc that will
characterise any given social phenomenon. Arnold's case against principles this far is a familiar one. And arguable. For the 'mind of principles' believes they have absorbed the lessons Experience has to teach, and sees no call to return to her class room each and every day. And the 'mind of principles' Experience cannot teach why and how the machine works: it must be taken to pieces in the imagination.
Arnold's case against principles extend to normative ones. Such principles infringe the root and branch utilitarianism that appears to be Arnold’s sole guide to action. Making things worse, normative principles commonly contradict one another, and so only add to the difficulty of implementing ‘practical’ solutions. The upshot was that the 'method of principles' corners radicals in a struggle for an impossible Utopia, paralyses conservatives with Ideology (in Mannheim’s sense), and leaves economists and lawyers ‘preaching’ rather than giving ‘practical advice’.
Arnold's case against principles extend to normative ones. Such principles infringe the root and branch utilitarianism that appears to be Arnold’s sole guide to action. Making things worse, normative principles commonly contradict one another, and so only add to the difficulty of implementing ‘practical’ solutions. The upshot was that the 'method of principles' corners radicals in a struggle for an impossible Utopia, paralyses conservatives with Ideology (in Mannheim’s sense), and leaves economists and lawyers ‘preaching’ rather than giving ‘practical advice’.
In Arnold’s telling, socially useful
ends are secured only by those who reject ideals and principles. He proposes
to illustrate this by reference to Jewish money lenders who usefully subverted the ban of medieval
canons on lending at interest. A second of Arnold’s example is the propagation
of quinine: the medical faculty at Sorbonne proscribed its use in 1638, ostensibly
on account of its inconsistency with Galenic doctrine, and its effective introduction
to France had to await the activities of the ‘quack’ Robert Talbot in 1680.
Arnold’s supreme illustration
of the utility of scorning all ideals and principles is the 20th c US
urban ‘political machine’. This exists, he says 'because people ... do not wish the government
to be practical’. The upshot is that ‘thrifty,
moral communities have a tendency to remain in the backwoods while a city like
Chicago astonishes us with both its civic improvement and its political corruption.’
In summary, ‘the great achievements
in human organisation have been accomplished by unscrupulous men who have
violated most of the principles we cherish’, and Arnold commends ‘opportunistic
action ... based not upon learning but upon political expediency’
Our Arnoldian journey concludes, therefore, in a Mandevillian
universe of moral paradox ....the vision
of the beautiful infrastructure built upon the base foundation... the praise of the political fixer ...: all this is reminiscent of
the Enlightenment immoralist.
If immorality and dishonesty are some compensation for principles, would it be not still better if principles were to disappear altogether? Arnold deems this an idle query. Humankind
is addicted to principles; partly because of a (regrettable) attachment to ‘rational thinking’, and even more because ‘almost all human conduct is symbolic’; ie it
is not purely instrumental to material, utilitarian goals. ‘Society is generally more
interested in ... watching itself go by in a whole series of different uniforms
than it is in practical objectives’. But while there is no hope that this will alter, we may still hope for the advent of doctrines
that give confidence and morale to a community, and ‘provide a faith which permit
men to do practical and humanitarian things’. Doctrine, then, is potentially a useful myth, or in Arnold’s favoured comparison, ‘religion’;
and we should judge any doctrine not by its ‘truth’ or ‘falsehood’ (Arnold’s sneer quotes)
but by its utility.
As Arnold’s technocracy undergirds his repudiation of doctrine, soVilley’s liberalism
sustains his affirmation of doctrine.
To Villey the point doctrine is to articulate a perspective on the human world. Doctrine, therefore, is not a denial
of the ‘intermingling’ of so many different factors in social world (economic, legal,
political ...) but a inevitable response to that complexity.
And as the choice of perspective is personal, doctrine is essentially personal.
How could one separate Nietzscheanism from Neitzsche, asks Villey? One could ask the same
of Marx or Hayek. Or Samuelson.That ‘personal’ characteristic is precious attribute of doctrine; our choice of doctrine is an expression of our freedom; and like all such expressions, it is an expression of ourselves; it helps thou ‘know
thyself’; it fulfils us.
Villey vision of doctrine, then, is an essentially artistic one. Doctrine
is closer to literature than either the sciences or religion. Unlike both science
and religion it essentially personal, even private, rather than collective. Unlike both science and religion, doctrine is characterised by a relativism that hovers between
objectivity and subjectivity. Many different
doctrinal perspectives, says Villey, are equally true. They do not merely each contain a part
of truth, each is a part of truth. The term
‘perspective’ is usefully illustrative of Villey's meaning here. Taken literally, any vista is surely as valid as any another,
as each is equally the outcome of the observer and the observed.
This relativism of doctrine is concomitant with its essential union with values.
Doctrine, says Villey, is ‘to secure the
unity of mind and heart’. So if the output of science is prediction and control’
the output of doctrine is valuation. If science
begins in curiosity and ends in solutions, doctrine begins perplexity and ends
in counsel. This counsel is what Arnold dismisses as ‘preaching’, but it is the ultimate end of doctrine.What Arnold completely misses, then, is the forks in the road of life;
of the necessity to nominate one alternative over the other. To Arnold it seems
there is only one road; and it has a good
direction, and a bad; and we can only wish for some power to move us along that good
direction. But life, obviously, is not like that. Perhaps a medical treatment has the risk of severe
side effects; even death. Do you take it? Perhaps the patient is a ward of yours
(a child, a senile parent); do you administer it? The answer cannot be found in any ‘technique
of human organisation’, or skill, that Arnold so prizes. The answer lies in doctrine.
Will an adjudication, then, award all to Villey? I do not think so. The relativism of Villey's notion of doctrine quavers precariously on the edge of subjectivism. All perspectives are equally valid, suggestsVilley, and the literal visual usage of the term is corroborating. But, to pursue that usage, are not some vistas more comprehending than others? And if it is replied that doctrine cannot reach a perfectly general outlook, but must remain in some measure personal, where lies the cognitive value of that personal aspect? Perspectives express our selves, suggest Villey. But if they only express our selves, are they anything more than 'personal style'? There is surely more 'news' in doctrine than that. But news of what? News of ourselves. Philosophers - in Villey's account- have sought to understand the world, but have only succeeded in understanding of themselves.
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